Any observer of US President Donald Trump’s recent visit to the Middle East — which took place in the middle of last week — can easily discern that this man operates unbound by political conventions, diplomatic traditions, or the customary restraints that typically govern the rhetoric and conduct of world leaders. His approach, which can be described as either astonishing or alarming, dispenses with all constants and taboos, replacing them with a single, ruthlessly pragmatic maxim: “There are no permanent friends, no permanent enemies — only permanent interests.”
Even prior to this visit, Trump had proven himself consistently guided by the slogan “America First.” This was evident when he sat down with Chinese officials to resolve the customs crisis — a conflict of his own making — designed to secure swift economic gains and recalibrate the overwhelmingly Beijing-favoured trade balance. The outcome was a 90-day suspension of tariffs. A similar dynamic unfolded in the Ukrainian conflict, where, amid unprecedented and cautiously positive signals emerging from Istanbul for ending hostilities, Trump secured a critical metals agreement with Kyiv — a deal serving US strategic interests.
In the Middle East, despite the region’s notorious complexity, Trump adopted an unorthodox stance from the outset, dismissing longstanding pillars of US foreign policy, foremost among them unconditional support for Israel. He proceeded to engage in direct negotiations with Hamas — designated a terrorist organization by Washington — to secure the release of an American hostage held in Gaza. This move bypassed the fury of his Israeli ally, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who, only weeks earlier, had publicly disclosed — to Trump’s visible irritation during a White House press conference — the existence of US-Iran negotiations unbeknownst to Tel Aviv.
Not content with this, Trump also met with Ahmad al-Sharaa, head of Syria’s de facto ruling authority and a figure blacklisted by the US as a terrorist. He subsequently announced a suspension of sanctions on Damascus in exchange for granting US mining and construction firms lucrative contracts in Syria’s post-war reconstruction. Prior to this, Trump had reached an agreement with Yemen’s Houthi rebels to halt US airstrikes — a decision made in defiance of Saudi opposition, which views the Houthis as both illegitimate and terrorist.
Even the infamous “Flying Palace” — a jet gifted by Qatar and valued at nearly half a trillion dollars — was seen by Trump as an excellent opportunity to replace Air Force One at the expense of others far more generous than America’s own taxpayers. This is the same president who, in 2017 during his first term, accused Qatar of maintaining a long history of financing terrorism.
In less than 72 hours, spanning three Gulf states, Trump managed to amass over $3trn in weapons deals, investments, and lavish gifts. Notably, a multi-billion-dollar agreement signed in Doha rescued Boeing from near-collapse amid its financial crisis — all secured without any binding commitments from Trump beyond perfunctory pleasantries and flattering remarks. This figure far exceeded the $1trn the US government required to avert insolvency, as noted by billionaire Elon Musk at the start of this year.
Yet Trump’s campaign in Yemen proved disastrous. According to The New York Times, the president — who had long opposed prolonged military entanglements in the Middle East — lost patience after just 30 days of combat, which yielded poor results. Merely two days after Trump prematurely declared victory, the Houthis fired a ballistic missile at Israel. Indeed, on the day Trump set foot on Saudi soil, Israeli defence systems intercepted another missile launched from Yemen.
Operation Rough Rider entailed over 1,100 airstrikes, targeting command centres, air defence systems, advanced weapons facilities, and stockpiles. More than ten senior commanders were eliminated. However, the financial and strategic costs were immense: the Pentagon deployed two aircraft carriers, additional B-2 bombers, fighter jets, and Patriot and THAAD air defence systems. Within the first 30 days alone, expenses surpassed $1bon. The US also lost two F/A-18 jets, each worth $67m, to operational accidents at sea. American officials voiced concern over the rapid depletion of precision long-range munitions, which could compromise US preparedness in a potential Taiwan crisis with China. While the White House framed the ceasefire as a diplomatic victory, Houthi forces and their supporters proclaimed triumph, circulating the viral hashtag “Yemen defeats America.”
Today, it is increasingly difficult to delineate the extent of alignment and divergence between regional powers — chiefly the Gulf states and Egypt — and the United States, as well as between Trump and Netanyahu. Disputes over Gaza, the Houthis, Iran, and Saudi Arabia represent alarming developments for Israel. Nevertheless, Washington’s doctrine remains steadfast: Iran must not be permitted to enrich uranium to weapons-grade levels, nor should Gulf states acquire civilian nuclear programs without signing the Abraham Accords.
By American standards, Trump’s tour was an unmitigated success. Even Tehran, eager not to be left isolated, signalled its readiness to renounce uranium enrichment for non-peaceful purposes and pledged to forgo nuclear arms in exchange for sanctions relief. Yet, the visit also sowed the seeds of open discord between the United States and Israel. The latter, empowered by the geopolitical recalibration following the events of October 7, 2023, aspires to redraw the region’s political and geographic map, unconstrained by historic claims or military parity. It views Trump as recklessly advancing unilateral initiatives on the most sensitive issues, particularly Iran and its regional proxies.
Conversely, the US president envisions reshaping America’s Arab alliances by bolstering economic and security partnerships with the so-called “moderate Sunni axis” at the expense of Iran and its affiliates — a strategy he believes requires time, effort, and the dismantling of longstanding obstacles.
There is also a deeper, more complex dimension to the visible marginalization of Israel during Trump’s Middle East tour. From the rift over the Iranian nuclear file — with Trump favoring negotiations while Netanyahu advocates military action — to the American-brokered ceasefire with the Houthis, which Israel denounced as a security betrayal, and the negotiation for the release of an American hostage held by Hamas, to potential F-35 sales to Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE — all of which run counter to Israeli interests — this points to a gradual decoupling of American and Israeli security agendas in certain areas.
As Washington reshuffles its Middle East priorities, Tel Aviv scrambles to craft exit strategies from its mounting political and security crises. The enduring dilemma lies in Trump’s ever-fluctuating doctrine — America First, interests first and last — an approach driven solely by the calculus of profit, devoid of traditional political considerations. By contrast, Netanyahu has refined his ability to navigate Israeli interests across hostile Democratic and Republican administrations alike. While nations like Canada, Greenland, and Mexico have rebuffed Trump’s schemes, the Arab states continue to indulge his demands, convinced that extravagant financial outlays are the price of averting his unpredictable wrath.
Ultimately, as Trump’s visit concludes, one critical question demands urgent reconsideration: What precisely is the American definition of terrorism?
Dr. Hatem Sadek – Professor at Helwan University
