The Lebanese might repeat the past

Abdel-Rahman Hussein
6 Min Read

I spent two days in Beirut in late 2002. And the tension I sensed simmering between people there even during this short stay has come to my recollection in light of recent events.

One could not escape the fear that as soon as the last generation that experienced the civil war was replaced by a generation that had not seen the horrors of such strife with their own eyes, Lebanon would again be bogged down in the chaos and cruelty that had befallen it in the latter part of the last century.

This visit came before Hariri’s assassination, before Israel decided they wanted to have one more go at Hezbollah, before even the return from exile of the people who had a huge role in the last war.

This was because the problems that had created the civil war had not been put to rest.

And still, Lebanon was a playground for neighboring nations to settle their agendas.

The 1989 Taif Accords which ended the war introduced the system of confessional politics in Lebanon as a solution, where power was distributed amongst the sects according to a predetermined ratio.

However, that solution should have been a temporary one until Lebanon had got back on its feet. Confessional politics bred resentment across the board.

But Lebanon could never get back on its feet. No sooner had the war ended than the insidious influences of its neighbors (who had used the war as a pretext to get a foothold in the country) became more apparent.

Such grand disturbances became only apparent to me through quite mundane events.

Firstly, I was often asked what I was. I would reply Egyptian. And I would be asked again. What are you? In ignorance I assumed the question would refer to the same thing it refers to in Egypt, i.e. what’s your religion, are you Muslim or Christian?

I would get annoyed. I would point out that my name made it very obvious what I was. And then the follow up made everything clear. “Yes, but are you Sunni or Shia?

Admittedly, my failure to understand the question stemmed from foolish assumptions. Egypt’s Muslims are Sunni for the most part, so the aspect of denomination never came into it. Everybody’s Sunni aren’t they? And who exactly are the Druze?

And while I felt considerably chastised for my simple mindedness and unawareness, I also was shocked. Did it matter, I thought with naiveté of mind?

For the Lebanese, it did. There is history after all.

Beirut is a beautiful city, and the Lebanese are probably the nicest people you would hope to meet. Additionally, unlike some other Arab countries, Egyptians are liked and favorably received.

Yet if you leave the modernistic and trendy Central Business District and walk, say, into Al Hamra, you’ll find the shelled buildings, the bullet holes in the walls, the posters of the sectarian leaders covering said holes, the remnants of all that had happened only a decade earlier.

Although sectarianism might be the reason why all this happened, at root it seemed a question of poverty to my eyes. It appeared that many people were left behind in Lebanon’s drive to rebuild the war ravished country, and this was causing resentment.

Ironically, and I guess predictably, every sect thought that it was the other sects who were benefiting from the reconstruction dollars, while they were the ones being short changed.

At a café I was approached by the waiter, who could tell I was Egyptian by my accent. It appeared like a burden was removed from him, here was a stranger he could vent to. He was a Maronite Christian, and for over an hour he talked about how the Maronites were suffering in Lebanon’s current political climate.

Thing is, I heard similar conversations from people of the other sects. Who was right and who was wrong?

Lebanon is blighted by tribalism. This tribalism exists in the entire region, but no more is it apparent than in Lebanon. It is a small country; people will know exactly who you are from your surname, and where your allegiances lie.

It is no secret that the heads of different sects (or tribal elders) hold considerable power, and indeed control of funds. As is the status quo everywhere, there is a select crust that possesses everything. The upper echelons from all sects are grouped in this same niche.

Lebanon’s strength lies in its diversity, so it is a shame that this diversity is also proving to be its Achilles Heel. However, people will always compete over finite resources, how they choose to divide themselves can sometimes be almost secondary.

What happened and is happening in Lebanon is now also happening in Iraq. If this is not stopped then we can look forward to decades of civil and sectarian strife. Which is what some may want, but assuredly not by those who will pay in blood.

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