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Morsy, his trips and the parliament - Daily News Egypt

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Morsy, his trips and the parliament

As President Morsy finishes his visit to Saudi Arabia and commences his diplomatic trip to Addis Ababa without a formed government, columnists in several Egyptian newspapers have expressed their concern over his visit to the House of Saud and its implications. Other writers place stress on signs that indicate how the Supreme Council of Armed …

As President Morsy finishes his visit to Saudi Arabia and commences his diplomatic trip to Addis Ababa without a formed government, columnists in several Egyptian newspapers have expressed their concern over his visit to the House of Saud and its implications.

Other writers place stress on signs that indicate how the Supreme Council of Armed Forces clings to power as the Judiciary becomes involved in the power struggle after the President’s decision to reinstate the legally dissolved parliament.


Hassan Nafaa

The crisis of the Egyptian revolution
Hassan Nafaa
Al-Masry Al-Youm

The former ruling authority in Egypt remained stretched for years, maintaining the balance of interests between three focal powers; the governing, the opposition and the neutral forces. Hassan Nafaa analyses the instability of political powers and notes how it led to the eruption of the revolution.

The opposition and ‘silent’ segments of the society unified efforts to ouster the regime, but couldn’t return a new political system that reflected the change they were calling for.

When Egypt’s 25 January revolution failed to push its representatives to reach authority, a power struggle ensued between three political forces; the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF), the once-banned Muslim Brotherhood group, and the third bloc, a segment that opposes reinstating the old regime.

Nafaa estimates that none of the three powers striving for power will eventually monopolize authority. In the writer’s estimation, SCAF will not go back to their barracks until the new constitution embraces the repeatedly rejected ‘Al-Selmy’s constitutional principals document’.

The Muslim Brotherhood will try imposing their Islamist ideology regardless of Egypt’s political program and the rule of a toothless president. And amid all these factors, Egypt and its revolution remain cornered.


Israa Abdel Fatah

A presidential goal
Israa Abdel Fatah
Al-Masry Al-Youm

President Morsy’s decision to reinstate the dissolved parliament is the most appropriate correction to a defective situation imposed by the SCAF which seems unwilling to depart from authority.

Supporting Morsy’s resolution, Israa Abdel Fatah is against analysis that regards the Muslim Brotherhood as a dominating power that controls both the parliament and presidency.

Despite Abdel Fatah’s disfavor with the parliament’s performance, she argues that the decision to restore the People’s Assembly cannot be deemed an intrusion of executive authority over the judiciary.

The judicial power is limited to issuing verdicts where the executive authority decides how and when to implement its rulings. By taking this step, President Morsy aimed at filling the legislative vacuum until the writing of a new constitution is completed.

He also defends himself from probable accusations that he wants to control both legislative and executive authorities. The parliament’s temporary presence aims at ensuring a normal operation of the country’s three authorities.

Abdel Fatah notes that the Constitutional Court’s decision to pull back the president’s move is definitely out of its remit. It is rather the judiciary’s bold step of declaring war.


Fahmi Howidi

Signs of sectarian confrontations
Fahmi Howeidi

Referring to Morsy’s latest visit to Saudi Arabia, Fahmi Howeidi expresses his concerns at hearing the president’s statement that “Egypt and Saudi are the protectors of moderate Sunni Islam”.

Egyptian-Saudi relations have never before touched upon this issue of defending Sunni Islam, and Howeidi believes the statement gives an indication that Egypt is on the verge of establishing a Sunni alliance that confronts other Shiite countries like Iran, Iraq, Syria and Hezbollah in the Lebanon.

The writer is also worried that Egypt’s current economic crisis could be the reason behind Morsy’s trip to Saudi and similar statements that flatter the House of Saud.

If Egypt starts moving in the direction of safeguarding Sunni Islam with Saudi Arabia, Howeidi questions the reactions of Shiite Arabs in Saudi, Iraq, Bahrain and other countries.

Also, when Morsy speaks on behalf of Sunni Islam, he is pressing on the feet of Al Azhar, the main representative of this religious sect during his visit.

Instead of focusing talks on sectarian issues, Howeidi wished to hear that the two countries discussthe importance on protecting the rights of the Palestinian people.

Wrapping up his column, Howeidi’s fears extend to seeing the new Egyptian-Saudi relations moving towards conflict with a Shi’ite nation like Iran.


Wael Qandil

Al-Hagana’s soldiers protecting the civil state
Wael Qandil

All signs materializing within Egypt’s political arena indicate that the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) is not soon to take its hands from the levers of power.

Wael Qandil turns his attention to the many plans to bring president Morsy to massive failure, whereby the SCAF will use the same mechanics of Mubarak and his son.

One of the alarming threats to Morsy is the involvement of supposedly independent institutions, such as the judiciary, in a series of power struggles. The move has led to a mood of confusion amongst normal citizens who are uncertain as to which authority is dominating the country.

Even after the Constituents’ Assembly has finally overcome the crisis regarding Article 2 of the constitution, Qandil notes that SCAF couldn’t maintain the tranquil atmosphere without encroaching upon the constitution.

In his views, Qandil believes that SCAF tries to play with civilian’s minds and, in so doing, casts doubt that the country can chart a smooth course without the guidance of the military body.

SCAF is performing the most intricate of maneuvers in what Qandil describes as a ‘national circus’ in which they are exhibiting to the public the lengths to which they will go to stay clinging into power.


Mahmoud Khalil

Crying within the people
Mahmoud Khalil

As President Morsy is known to frequently cry while praying or listening to verses of Quran, Mahmoud Khalil chides his Muslim Brotherhood group for using the President’s pictures in these situations to attract the public’s emotional support.

Instead of using such tactics to increase the president’s popularity, the writer calls upon Morsi to walk around in slum areas and feel for the poor people who cannot afford their daily meals.

Speaking about Morsy’s signs of soft emotions, Khalil urges him to share their heart-breaking stories and focus efforts to solve their problems.

The president has to turn his tears to the crying needy children and women.

The writer calls upon Morsy to concentrate on establishing a genuine representative government, one that hangs back from nepotism and affiliations with the Muslim Brotherhood.

Addressing the president, Khalil regards Morsy’s tears as a doubled-edged sword.

He explains that it can become a barrier between him and his citizens, if he does not apply this softness on those who strongly need it.

Finally, the writer once more stresses on the importance to stop using the president’s crying pictures to draw more public attention.


Ahmed Mansour

The airport Mr. President
Ahmed Mansour
Al- Watan

In his column, ‘the airport Mr. President?’, Ahmed Mansour calls upon President Morsy to pay attention to the deteriorating status of Cairo International Airport, urging him to take steps to improve one of Egypt’s representative institutions.

Mansour highlights that the airport does not display any signs of a successful revolution that has ousted a corrupt regime.

Still, cleaners, porters and even employees indirectly ask for honorariums to help out passengers depart from the airport.

The writer condemns the inefficient security presence in the airport, denouncing many police officers as poorly trained in dealing with foreigners with many cannot unable to master a single language besides Arabic.

Moreover, limousine and taxi drivers should stop rushing at all passengers trying to transfer them from the airport to their destinations.

The writer asks why the airport security body fail to organize the airport transportation to queue in a more civilized way, in a scene similar to that of other international airports.

President Morsy was once a typical citizen and must have seen the negligence at the airport.

Now that he has become the head of state traveling from the presidential hall or from military airports, Mansour urges him not to ignore all areas that require drastic improvements in Cairo airport.

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